PukhtunWomen

There have been many attempts to codify the Pashtun tribal system, the most famous being the Makhzan-e Afghani compiled in India by Ni’matullah in the early 17th century. This genealogies lists thousands of tribes and relates anecdotes and legends about the tribes’ origins and how they joined or split. 5

The tribal charter is based on patrilineality, but in some conspicuous cases this principle is set aside for notable exceptions. In principle, one
has to be born into a tribe, but Afghan pragmatism allows exceptions. Through consensus of the tribe, outsiders may be allowed to take residence in their area. If such outsiders and their offspring honour the tribal code of behaviour and succeed to intermarry with the tribe
they may be accepted as members after a generation or two.

Cherchez la femme: The Ghilzay case

Some of the more famous and powerful tribes such as the Afridi or Ghilzay are connected to the rest of the Pashtuns by adoption and/or by female links. In the genealogical books adventurous or romantic stories usually adorn these deviations from the patrilineal rule. Adaptations to social and political realities were always possible as the tribal system was managed in a flexible manner.

An example is Bibi Matu the Mother of all Ghilzay who embodies the genealogical link of that grand and famous tribe to the rest of the Pashtuns: The story begins with an account of the non-Pashtun Kings of Ghor (western Central Afghanistan) and why one Shah Hossain, a Prince of that dynasty had to flee to the pasture lands of Sheykh Bayt, a son of Qays Abdurrashid, the apical ancestor of the Pashtuns. The text is taken from Bernhard Dorn's classical translation of the Makhzan done in St. Petersburg in the early 19th Century:

"Before the secret come to light, and reach the ears of our relations, we must give our daughter in marriage to that young man. "

The sheikh, however, objected: "That youth is no match for us, as I am entirely unacquainted with his former condition and origin: how could I then consent to it?"

To this the mother replied, "Truly, his dignified appearance bears sufficient evidence of his nobility."

The sheikh still refusing his consent, his consort closely examined Shah Hossain about his origin and family: in reply to which he declared: "My ancestors were princes and rulers in the province of Ghor: if you do not believe it, despatch a confidential person to ascertain the truth of this statement."

The lady, overjoyed at this declaration, reported it to the sheikh, who despatched one Kaghdoor, with a letter of Shah Hossain to Ghor, in order to obtain a faithful account of his origin. The messenger, on his arrival, duly ascertained the truth of his statement, as to his noble descent, and returned with written documents… the messenger made his report of Hossein's noble origin to the sheikh, whose mind, previously clouded with distress, brightened up. In a propitious hour they married Bibi Matu to

Shah Hossain who soon after married also Kaghdoor's daughter. After a certain time, Matu was delivered of a charming and auspicious boy, who, being the fruit of a clandestine amour, was called Ghilzye: -Ghil, in the Afghan language, signifying a "thief"; and zye, "born, a son." 6

This legend of the Ghilzay is one of many examples when the written genealogies try to cope with the fact that Pashtuns are obviously of heterogeneous origin, and that the tribal structure is not left to a strict patrilineal principle alone, but is open to convenient arrangements.
The notion of a non-Pashtun origin of the Ghilzay has not only stimulated the fantasy of local genealogists but also that of western historians who consider it likely that the Ghilzay tribe represents the survivors of the medieval Turkish tribe of Khalaj, who joined a Pashtun tribal confederation or formed one of their own. 7

Even the Makhzan hints at a Turkish ancestry of the children of Bibi Matu by counting among Shah Hossain's forefathers Turkish princes. 8

Thus a subtribe or sub-clan of a khel is also a khel down to the village level. A frequent suffix of names of larger tribal units is -zay, e.g. Mandozay , meaning "Son of Mando", plural form Mandozi, "Sons of Mando", and -khel for the sub-units. Some khels have grown to such an extent that they became recognised as tribes of their own, such as the Sulaimankhel, a branch of the Ghilzay. The suffix -zay indicates in most of the cases a southern or western origin (e.g. the Yusufzay of Swat originate from Kandahar), whereas most of the eastern tribes lack this typical tribal suffix, such as the Afridi, Mohmand, Zadran, Dzadzi (Jaji), Mangal, Shinwari, as well as many smaller tribes in Khost such as
the Tani, Saberi, Lakan, Ghorboz etc.

Tribes as social and political groups and factions. Most of the tribes in Afghanistan are neither corporate nor political entities, yet the tribal
system has more often than not served as a blue print for political alliances. Political entrepreneurs found kinship and tribal links most convenient as a basis for alliances or confederations in order to challenge even imperial powers and to secure areas for their clients.

There is a dilemma in tribal societies: the very tool which enables tribal leaders to establish powerful political entities, the charter of segmentary solidarity, is also instrumental for segmentary division. Once a charismatic leader who masters the instrument of segmentary alliance looses influence or dies the divisive character of the segmentary tribal system will gain the upper hand. Tribal systems do not usually develop
institutionalised political power which could tolerate fluctuations in the abilities of individual rulers.

The Pashtun ideal of equality is based on the tribal system. The idea is that all Pashtuns are born equal, and are children of one common ancestor; social and economic inequality, which of course exists, is not given by nature or birth but is achieved individually, and is threatened and open to change at any time.

Whereas the tribal order discourages social hierarchy, it defines social nearness and distance. Pashtuns use their tribal order to mark lines of conflict and solidarity. If I see two men fighting I am supposed to side with the one who is “closer” to me, i.e. the one with whom I share the nearest common patrilineal ancestor.

In the Pashtun Tribal areas in East Afghanistan and Northwest Pakistan we find a socio-political division into two opposite sections: Tor Gund (`white faction') and Spin Gund (`black faction'). The following example is from Khost in East Afghanistan: The Saberi, Dzadran (Jadran), Tsamkani (Chamkani), Tani, Mandozay etc. are named Spin Gund in opposition with the Tor Gund, the Mangal, Ismailkhel and others. Today this dichotomy
has become practically obsolete, but people clearly remember which tribe belongs to which gund. The recent violent land dispute between members of the Tsamkani and the Mangal, however, is between two opposing gund and the sympathies of the Saberi who are not part of the conflict lie with their gund fellows, the Tsamkani. Tribes are localized to various degrees. The Ghilzay, for example, are scattered all over Afghanistan; thus there is no proper Ghilzay land. Yet, there are areas where Ghilzay and certain of their subtribes predominate. Other tribes, such as the Afridi, have a clearly
defined home land. The latter is true for most of the eastern tribes along the Afghan-Pakistani border. Tribal land is subdivided along tribal subdivisions. Belonging to a tribe therefore means having access to the land of that tribe. There are also landless tribals, e.g. those who have sold their inherited land to another member of their tribe. If a member of a tribe loses ownership of his land, he retains at least his right to re-acquire land if he regains the necessary means. Localized tribes also own common and undivided property: pastures and forests which every member has an equal right to use. When a member of a tribe defends the land of his tribe he defends his own security and future of his family